Files revealing that García Márquez was spying by the secret police of the Constitutional Revolutionary Party

García Márquez’s relationship with Cuba began in January 1959, a few days after the victory of the Revolution. The writer was spending six months in the Caribbean country, after being invited as a reporter for latin press (Cuban Communications Agency co-founded by the author). There his crush was entrenched on the island.

Gradually, however, the novelist began to distance himself from revolutionary ideals, perhaps disillusioned with the less collective and personal focus they began to acquire, which is why since 1967 he decided to settle in Barcelona along with other prominent figures of the so-called prosperity.. Latin America, like Peru Mario Vargas Llosa.

In full Catalan residency, the news of the Chilean coup against the president Salvador Allende in 1973 He awakened in García Márquez the need to approach Cuba again, with the aim of revitalizing his hard-line journalism. Jaime Abello, friend and manager Gabo Foundation, commented that García Márquez “came to say he was willing not to write literature again until Pinochet had fallen”.

About this, years later, in an interview with Washington PostThe Colombian said, “I let Pinochet stop me from writing. In other words, I was subject to self-censorship.” In turn, he added that he had never expected that the Chilean dictator’s reign would be so long.

This second stage – defined by the emergency in our country – will be the most abundant in terms of espionage work by the Department of Field Support for the Nobel Prize. Not only did they record his visits to Havana and his friendship with it Fidel Castro, but also a support business for Sandinista In Nicaragua or his intervention in exchange for anonymity until Mexican television shows an interview with Military guerrilla leaders of El Salvador. El Pais notes that in addition, there is information about his meetings with Regis DebrayThe French revolutionary and companion Che Guevara.

And another fact: according to a document dated March 17, 1982, the Colombian ceded all his rights to his movie “Chronicle”, which was published a year earlier, to the Cuban government.

the Institution of habeas corpusAn organization created by García Márquez for the defense of human rights, which focused specifically on political prisoners, also aroused the interest of Mexican spies. El Pais points out that whoever the DFS informant summed up the objectives of the habeas corpus in the following words: the concept of political persecution.”

This organization mobilized against dictatorships of various brands, among them Argentina, Chile and Panama. Even in countries such as Colombia, which, despite not having a complex dictatorship, was in full swing in guerrilla warfare.

Mexican Detective Jacinto Rodriguez – who is currently a book on DFS spying for intellectuals at the time – notes in the Spanish media that García Márquez’s profile shows a smooth follow-up compared to the harassment other characters received. “He did not cease to be a foreigner who could not engage in national affairs and who always showed great caution,” says the academic.

To confront the “Jabo” case, the researcher presents an example of the espionage operations carried out on Octavio Pazwhose income and debts have been reviewed; And the Argentine Julio Cortazar, whose private correspondence was intercepted.

In the 1970s, repression intensified in Mexico after an alliance between the military and the police, and the systematic and bloody persecution of PRI dissidents began. And although García Márquez is known to have been an active opponent of totalitarian regimes and genocide, they assert from the Gabo Foundation itself that the writer’s level of introspection into matters that concern or directly affected Mexico remains a “gray area” of his autobiography.

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However, Rodriguez notes that they “were not worried about him, which was on the right side, like doors that could open by following someone who had a lot of connections, and is well connected.” In this context, the declassified files refer to the follow-up of the characters who came to meet García Márquez at his home.

And although the names are crossed out, the documents refer to characters like those at the time General Secretary of the Chilean Communist Party and the Political Adviser to the Embassy in Cuba. It should be noted that one of the things that the author has been criticized for is the relative “apathy” with which he referred, according to some, to countries where human rights abuses were also committed, including Mexico.

The Mexican investigator warns that the files shared by the nation’s public archive via Transparency represent a sample of all documents associated with the Colombian writer, and that they remain confidential. In any case, analysis of documents related to DNS espionage to García Márquez can be a source of light to complete the biography of the Nobel Prize winner for literature and highest-ranking representative of magical realism in our area.